University of Nigeria Journal of Political Economy

Pains or gains?

Paul Ani Onuh, Jonah Onuoha — Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

Since the emergence of China as a force in the global political economy, the United States of America and China have been entangled in different dimensions of the struggle for dominance. Under Donald Trump’s administration, the rivalry between the United States and China assumed the dimensions of the trade war and escalated to its highest points in the modern history of economic relations between the two countries. China is the third-highest trading partner of the United States by volume of trade. The annual volume of trade between the two countries is valued at about 600 billion dollars, with the balance favouring China. Under the leadership of Donald Trump, the United States imposed series of trade tariffs on China in an effort to balance trade or gain a trade advantage over China. However, this sparked a trade war between the two countries as China retaliated by imposing 15% to 25% tariff worth $185 billion on goods imported from the USA including raw materials, manufactured goods, and agricultural produce, amongst others. Using Game theory as a framework of analysis, this study examined the impact of the US-China trade war on economic development in the United States under Donald Trump’s administration.

OPPOSITION POLITICS AND DEMOCRATIC STABILITY IN NIGERIA AND GHANA

Ifeoma Lillian Abia, Francisca Obiageli Ifedi — Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

This study compared opposition politics and democratic stability in Nigeria and Ghana, between 2011 and 2022. Utilizing the Marxist theory of the state, ex-post-factoresearch design, qualitative method of data collection and qualitative method of data analysis, the study investigated the link between weak structure of election management body and repression of opposition political parties by the ruling party; repression of opposition political parties by the ruling party and electoral violence; as well as manipulation of electoral processes and power alternation between the ruling party and opposition political parties in Nigeria and Ghana. The study found weak structure of election management body to account for the repression of opposition political parties by the ruling party more in Nigeria than in Ghana. The study equally observes that incumbent use of security operatives to intimidate opposition political parties give rise to electoral violence more in Nigeria than in Ghana. Finally, the study observes that the ruling party’s manipulation of electoral processes undermine power alternation between the ruling party and opposition political parties more in Nigeria relative to Ghana. It, therefore, argues that the Nigerian state more than the Ghanaian state is characterized by limited institutional autonomy which undermined orderly transfer of political power by the ruling political party to the opposition political party with implications for democratic stability. Among others, the study is of the view that the Independent National Electoral Commission be structurally and institutionally repositioned to strengthen party politics in Nigeria by regulating the activities of political parties and other important stakeholders involved in electoral process as like in Ghana.

Developmental State Discourses

Celestine Uchechukwu Udeogu , Millicent Nwamaka Ogenyi — Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

Many countries in Asia, which were at par with Nigeria in terms of economic development at Independence in 1960, have since overtaken Nigeria in almost every economic development index. Whereas Nigeria has experimented with various notable economic and political ideologies, including socialism, capitalism and the eclectic mid-path called mixed economy, none has been able to substantially address Nigeria’s developmental challenges nor enabled it catch up with its Asian counterparts. Several studies attribute the Asian countries’ economic development ‘miracle’ to the state’s strategic role in their nation’s development agenda, resulting in what is now referred to as developmental state. This paper, therefore, takes a critical examination of the nature and character of the Nigerian state, its seemingly irresponsiveness to developmental treatments, apparent immunity to multi-sectoral development, and its prospects of attaining a developmental state status. The study is anchored on the logical deductions and assumptions of the Developmental State theory. We deployed documentary method and content-analysis for data collection and analysis, respectively. The paper concludes on a note of optimism that although the Nigeria state may have lost its golden opportunity to become developmental, the emergence of a truly national leader with appropriate policies on socio-economic, structural and institutional engineering, coupled with the resources and resilience of the country, the road to its transformation into a developmental state—though not too rosy—is clear, straight and navigable.

Deregulation of Downstream Oil Sector and Social Welfare in Nigeria, 2010-2022

Osita Nebechi Chris , Francisca Obiageli Ifedi — Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The study examines the impact of removal of subsidies on petroleum products on social welfare in Nigeria. Appalling levels of corruption in the management of petroleum subsidy arising from institutional decay and poor policy choices are highlighted. Documentary method was used to generate the relevant secondary data, while the rentier state theory was employed to x-ray the relegation of social welfare arising from the withdrawal of subsidies on petroleum products and corresponding increments in their pump prices attendant to the implementation of neoliberal reforms. The study holds the view that the mismanagement of oil wealth has led to social decay and disempowerment of the masses. The study argues that removal of subsidies on petroleum products by the Nigerian government is in conformity with the on-going determination by the major purveyors of monopoly capitalism to transform the character of state. The study sees responsible political leadership as the only way to actualize prudent management of oil wealth, human security, and sustainable national development in Nigeria.

State Failure and Violent Regional Conflicts in Nigeria

Egeran Tomwarri , Timipa Igoli — Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

This paper examines the constraints of Nigerian federalism against the backdrop of the chronic resurgence of the ethnic Militias in the Niger Delta region, and the need of its reinvention to suit the exigencies of pluralism devoid of regional agitation. The paper interrogates the federalist idea and how it has failed to manage diversity of the Nigerian state. The implore secondary such of data collection. It adopted the frustration aggression theory to provide the foundation of the study and illustrate the causation between the independent and dependent variables to determine its effect. It also conceptualized the categories of militia in both Nigeria and other countries in a tabular form. It further elucidate the constraints of the region and how it has suffered under the dominance of the central government and the MNOCs, through their unwillingness to respond positively to the demands of the region. Therefore, the argument advanced is that the pitfalls have created an ungovernable space in the Nigerian federation for militia occupation, and been considered as the root cause of militancy in the region. The paper suggested that a federal state whereby the mechanism for dealing with such federalism has fractured or in the process of failing will facilitates militia manifestation, especially when the clearly stated conditions for the formation of the federation are breached by the system. Therefore, the paper concluded with suggested measure in curbing insurgency in the region.

A Reflection on Public Policies, Labour and Industrial Relations’ Practices, Development or Underdevelopment in Africa’s Postcolonial States

Peter SAKWE MASUMBE — Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

This paper revisits the character of public policies, to delineate labour and industrial relations’ practices to determine if the current character of L&IR in Africa’s postcolonial states promotes development or underdevelopment. It argues that, it is a policy shortfall with ominous political, economic and social malevolence to alienate L&IR’s practices, especially labour in goods/services. It asserts that, L&IR being the root of all human survival. Obviously, the formal practice of L&IR starts from policymaking to fashion labour, and ends in goods, services including consumption. Using Marxist analysis and the elite theory in policymaking, the paper reiterates that, the few people - elites, who claim wealth, knowledge and power in labour issues; use such power to impose their labour preferences upon society’s politics and economies; to alienate labour and industrial relations practices. Consequently, L&IR becomes a gratuitous beneficiary of underdevelopment policies, which gyrate to secure decisive positions in society for elites to perpetuate social strata that indecorously estrange the masses. Thus, Africa’s masses continue in sordid material conditions and economic factors, which dilute L&IR’s noble place in societies. The paper develops a basis that not only reveals the inseparability of labour/worker from goods and services, but also the weaknesses of labour economics and human resource management theories in capitalist societies.